This was to have been the final part of my investigation into The Rotherham Syndrome.  But I have received a further email from my correspondent Steve S, whose original mail precipitated this series, in which he writes:

I guess I will start with the House of Lords and go from there. To me the House of Lords is the Upper House where political oscillations should be modulated so as to protect the British people from bad public policy. In looking at Wikipedia it shows that the current body has 26 Spiritual Peers and many Life Peers and Hereditary Peers. So the Anglican Church leaders and the permanent members are not subject to the whims of the mass media and do not have to worry about re-election. They can act in the long term interests of their districts and the UK

In all parts of the UK these leaders are in touch with their local citizens and their issues and since they are there for life, they themselves, have to live with their decisions. And similar motivations for the Queen and her family. They are the British Nobility. They have resources, they are generally intelligent, well schooled, well travelled, and well connected to academia, business, government, military, etc. And yet something has caused them to throw open the doors to populations that are the most incongruous with the British population, British culture, British civility. Which was the highest in the world in the pre-war days.

… But something has gripped the leadership of the UK and Western Civilization.

I think that’s a pretty valid observation on the mysterious, ubiquitous phenomenon of Establishment treachery.  So in this fourth but no longer final part of my essay, I will investigate how the old Establishment class - the elites of the old courtiers, the new industries, and Empire – lost its political foothold.  It will now be the fifth - and final - part in which I will focus, finally, on today’s controlling class of thousands of men and women who attach no human value, indeed, scarcely any meaning at all to children of our people simply because they are white victims of Asian Moslem sexual criminals.

It is worth noting in passing that although the context here is British, the latter’s monopoly of control, the common purpose, the hermetic networking, the focus on “modernising” everything via a near-religious progressive obsession, the unnatural preoccupation with racism, the total absence of empathy for kind, and the easy resort to race-treachery are common to political and liberal Establishments and the official mind throughout the West.  Rotherham is only an extreme example of how absolute their thinking can be and just how far they are prepared to go to defend their racial proposition.  I hope non-British readers will indulge me, therefore, in the following (brief) history of British elitism.

Today’s Establishment is an historically unique and most recent development.  It finally flowered managerially and ideologically with the election of New Labour to office in 1997.  But let us not forget that for the best part of three centuries the Establishment in Britain was a very different quantity.  Certainly, from Waterloo to 1914, its elites were unassailed anywhere in terms of power, wealth, sheer confidence and security.  They can be profitably presented in a tri-partite form, the oldest element of which was the landed aristocracy, whose power was expressed and maintained largely through the House of Lords but also through the Whig Party.  Then there were the commercial and financial elites of London, including the Jewish banking dynasties.  Their ties to the Tory and Whig/Liberal parties in the Commons and in government (principally the former) provided for the pursuit of their interests.  To a degree, these two groups represented wholly different and conflicting interests: those of the land and tradition, continuity, paternalism and a somewhat self-serving connectedness to the safely uneducated, rustic labourer; and those of the town and modernity, of expansiveness, of the merchant class, of profit, therefore, and of the revolution of the machine.  This was the real division in the politics of the age and, to no small extent, it mirrored the divisions of the American Civil War.

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MacDonald At Stockholm, Sweden, April 20th 2015

               
  World War I born on the Bayeaux..
         
                             
Not too long ago, I spoke with GW and almost split my side laughing that he was still miffed at events of 1066. But as he explained, it was the source of a pernicious class system in Britain. I don’t mean to imply that GW would agree with this speaker, but the speaker goes over some interesting historical territory on the basis of that idea - and this discussion may placate some of those critical of the POV of the English aristocracy while bemusing others with a broader historical context to the World Wars - in fact, he proposes that 1066, and its Viking take-over creating a class system lording-over Celtic peoples, is the place to look for the cause of World War I’s conflict!
 
                 
                           
                            Battle of Hastings, Halley’s Comet in the sky
                   
Terry Boardman claims Britain’s responsibility in World War I: that Russia’s ambitions in the Balkans were the cause along with Britain’s need to keep Russia from taking over influence of India (The British Empire’s crowning jewel); which created a need to oppose Germany and side with Russia.

       
              ....a Hastings topsy turvey

* A caveat to this post: it is not meant to endorse Boardman’s theories and conclusions, as a rejection of Max Hastings positions, nor to imply that GW agrees with Boardman. Where it does not function as informational noise it may have utility in touring some “historical stuff” and geopolitical grounds which might be culled for accurate bits.

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By Lasha Darkmoon, April 18, 2015

It is now only too clear that Americans have lost their country. The Jews are our masters and we are their slaves. What can we do about it?

An abridged adaption by Lasha Darkmoon of a recent article by Video Rebel.

              Benjamin Netanyahu: “9/11 was good for Israel.”

9/11 finally revealed to us the extraordinary chutzpah of our Jewish masters.

That the Israelis did 9/11 with the help of Jewish collaborators in PNAC and AIPAC has become all too apparent to the cognoscenti. The hidden criminality behind this event has been cleverly covered up by our Jewish owned media.

9/11 was a definite declaration of war against America by Israel.

The Israelis wired World Trade Center Towers 1, 2 and 7 for demolition. Tower 7 was never struck by a plane. Yet it fell down in 6.5 seconds.

The BBC was told by the Rothschild-owned Reuters news agency that WTC 7 had collapsed an hour before it did. America was still on Daylight Savings Time but Britain had just left Summer Time, so a confused BBC announced the collapse of WTC 7 fully 24 minutes before it happened in New York.

Knowing that your government can kill the President and blow up buildings with Americans inside, as in Oklahoma City and in New York, helps to restrain hostile criticism of the government. People are nervous and say to themselves, “If they can kill 3000 innocent Americans for Israel and get away with it, what chance do I have?”

9/11 unleashed America’s “War on Terror” against various Muslim countries unable to accept direct invasion and conquest by Israel. This was America doing Israel’s dirty work for it. Israel claims all the land from the Nile to the Euphrates. The War on Terror is simply a process allowing Jews to gain control of non-Jewish lands.

  The War on Terror has cost American taxpayers trillions of dollars to date. 9/11 was used to justify military actions that have killed and maimed millions of people in the Middle East. Some of these people were Christians, but the majority were Muslims. Their descendants and friends, the one who survived the initial carnage, have been radicalized as a result. They now have every reason to seek revenge against their aggressors — the ones who perpetrated 9/11 and then used it as an excuse to plunder Islamic lands.

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In this third and penultimate part of my essay on the Rotherham Syndrome I am going to expand on the disconnection between philosophy (and philosophically-derived politics) and thinking that comes out of ethnic or racial conflict.  In particular, I will focus on the dynamics of absolutism and its ascription of human value.

A petty history

A few years ago I came across the story, I think in a television history, of the last civilian to be hanged in the Third Reich.  I don’t remember his name.  I cannot find a link to the story on-line, so I hope I have it right.  But my memory is that this unfortunate man was a resident of a small south-western German town which lay in the path of the advancing US Army.  I suppose it must have been early- to mid-April 1945.

The war was already lost, of course.  That knowledge had been building among the people since the defeat at Stalingrad and Goebbel’s Sportspalast Speech of 18 February 1943 (which changed the tone of the propaganda from a war of conquest to one of national survival).  The general thrall to a military dictator and the whole mesmerising, deceitful dream of German greatness and glory was dissolving in the acid of the military reality.  By April 1945, with the Allies fighting on German soil, the general will of German civilians would have been for the killing and destruction to be brought to an end, and for Germany to find its way into whatever future was available to it.  But the Allies were only interested in complete and unconditional surrender.  Every last German town would fall, this little one included.  This was not going to be where the Allies would first be held and then pushed back.

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Far from the purview of European / American men were two conceptual weapons which could be alternated arbitrarily, wielded in an instant by feminists (or wielded similarly and unwittingly by neo-traditional women, for that matter), as equipped with the cynicism of these memes to dismiss, in either case, recourse to two profoundly important European moral orderings.

Most significantly, one weapon was to deride Europe’s natural Aristotlean morality, its observation of optimality and relationships as central to human nature, and another to destroy the propositions and principles initiated by the likes of Kant to gird, e.g., against arbitrary vicissitudes of empirical philosophy being taken too far – but in either case, the weapons distinguish females (including White females, of course) as having a separate moral order not beholden to White men and thus not beholden to Europeans as a system with shared social, moral capital and human ecology of millennia.

Deep within the wallowing abyss of de Beauvoir’s “The Second Sex”, its talk of “sacred ministry of betrayal” feeding extant dissatisfactions in females, lurked these weapons - far out of the casual purview of White men to apprehend from whence came what hit them and what it was about.

Betty Friedan (1963), with the modernist, “she’s just like one of the boys and, if liberated to participate, may do-so as an equal” approach to feminism, was the preeminent figure in the second wave of feminism; she took as her point of departure this line from Simone de Beauvoir, 1948, page 672: “This utility of the housekeeper’s heaven is the reason why she (speaking of traditional women) adopts the Aristotlean morality of the golden mean, that is, of mediocrity.”

My hunch that was her source inspiration is borne-out through multiple connections.

Carol Gilligan (1982), with the neo-traditional angle focusing on qualitative differences of females, but still within the feminist framework, also took a line from de Beauvoir as her point of departure - 1948, Page 681: “ but she knows that he himself has chosen the premises on which his rigorous deductions depend.. but she refuses to play the game.. she knows that male morality as it concerns her, is a vast hoax.”

My observation that this was the source for Gilligan was confirmed by Helen Haste, a colleague of Gilligan’s at Harvard.

While there are other significant non-Jewish feminists, forebears besides de Beauvoir, it is true that de Beauvoir’s feminist philosophy has roots in Marx’s notion that marriage and patriarchy are veritable slavery - women’s “liberation requires that these institutions be overturned, a revolutionary act corresponding to liberation of all.”

The situation was made ripe for exploitation and runaway by the logical extension of modernity, well-meaning at first as a liberation from mere, but harmful traditions and superstitions, it ran rough-shod and ruptured accountable social classification – their utility naivly or disingenuously pushed-aside in favor of the objectivist scientism of Lockeatine civil rights, objectivist neo-liberal capitalism, and seized upon in distortion by “neo-cons”, but not before these wielded “objectivist” rights were fundamentally weaponized and reversed in form against Whites, by Jews, Marxists re-deploying these ideas in the form of “anti-racism” and “civil rights” - discrimination against Whites and the prohibition of discrimination by White men.

Underpinning susceptibility to this all along was their saboteurs ticking time-bomb - liberal affectation planted into European culture and becoming more deeply embedded over 2,000 years; viz., in contrast to the exclusivity of Jews, (as GW notes) Judeo-Christianity’s propositional altercast as undifferentiated gentiles in the eyes of god, to include any race in its moral order, and the disordering effect of modernity to traditional European moral orders was virtually a necessary consequence.

With racial bounds broken but classification still necessary to human perceptual organ- ization, the least ignorable categories emerged in de facto high relief and resonance – gender being one of them. Within the disorder the female one-up position in partner selection (don’t think so? she’ll call upon the goon squad to show you who is boss) emerged with increased significance, whereupon they are pandered-to from males of every direction and most importantly, cynically and cunningly, by Jews, of course, to betray their co-evolutionary males. With White men vilified thus and White females pandered-to constantly, even puerile White females become articulate, over- confident, correspondingly under-empathetic, sometimes brazen with self righteous entitlement and prerogative.

Jewish interests can take advantage of this; demoralize their adversaries by pandering to their co-evolutionary females in this position and the atavistic denominator of the disorder; for marked example, by promoting the high contrast tropism of White/black mixing –blacks being the other category hardest to ignore despite prohibition on class- ifications –while the prohibition of discrimination leaves the more protracted rate of maturity of White men susceptible to the more episodic, atavistic assertion of blacks.

Professor Pearce (with Rossi) might add that within the paradoxic performance requirements of feminism there is nothing even a well-intentioned male can do if a feminist wishes to put him in the wrong: If he treats her as one of boys, then he may be construed as a male chauvinist pig, who does not respect the special quality of her gender. If he treats her with deference to the special qualities of her gender, he can be construed as a condescending patriarch and/or a wimp who does not respect her agency, autonomy and independence.

The situation is only going to be perpetuated by a paradoxic (really, “quaradoxic”) phenomenon that Whites are prone to be up against, what I call the charmed loop of didactic incitement: This does require that sufficient power is brought to bear against Whites, but it is a likely predicament given social injunctions against discriminatory social classifications rendered by White men and the heavily pandered-to one-up position of females within the disorder of modernity; along with its exponentially more powerfully positioned puerile female inclination to incite genetic competition.
___________

The Dark Side of Self Actualization Intersecting Incommensurate Gender Agendas: Corrective Structures and Systematization -

In this essay I will re-tell the story of how I began to understand and organize gender relations at the intersection of race and individualism in order to diagnose attendant problems and prescribe corrections. I will make refinements with what I have learned since initial instantiations of this hypothesis. I feel compelled to make this case again as there are popular sites in WN which are taking on the issue and I do not trust them to handle it well. For very specific reasons I have long held that there should be a platform for White men/males that both advocates them and is critical of female predilections, inclinations, politics. This will start out with a critical tone, as it is necessary to get to critical parts right away, but there is a happy ending for both genders.

In my first renderings of this hypothesis, I took Maslow’s Hierarchy of needs (which he also referred-to as a hierarchy of motives), as a preliminary framework in need of correction. That remains a particularly useful point of departure for a working hypothesis to address problems: of where and how individualism, peoples’ predica- ment within modernity and incommensurate gender relations may be exacerbated and pandered-to; whether by hostile interests (e.g., YKW) or indifferent interests (e.g. naive or disingenuous objectivist/relativists, neo-liberals); thereby rupturing racial bounds which could otherwise facilitate systemic homeostasis; instead runaway and reflexive reversals is perpetuated -e.g., “the dark side of self actualization.”

“I don’t have to tell you about the tyranny of patterns, that is the rubric under which we meet. What you may not know is that you have to accept them.”  - Bateson

But rather than merely accept them, the proposition here is that we recognize them, take them to heart and work with them instead of against them.

For good reasons, I took Maslow as the preliminary framework against which to propose corrections (will explain momentarily). Neither is it necessary to discard the diagnosis of toxicity in this model of higher needs being founded in hierarchical succession upon maximal fulfillment of more fundamental needs, particularly as it has played-out in - and been an influence of - the pop-culture of European-American relations; nor is it necessary to alter its proposed general correction of taking attendance to needs and motives into a circulating process based on the Aristotlean recommendation of optimal levels of need satisfaction and the centrality of human concern for relations.

Unlike Maslow’s terms for the constituent needs, I have ever (since the early 90s) proposed four terms (the number of four terms are taken for reasons that I will explain) in place of the terms that he uses in this hierarchy –

Socialization, Being, Routine/Reverence and Self Actualization in a circulating management are proposed instead.

“Just a few more words added to his grammar of motives might change a sociopath into a decent man.” - Kenneth Burke
  - thus…

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by Neil Vodavzny

Young Gods is BWS’s tribute to Kirby’s cosmic fancies but, as can be seen from prev, his poetic fancies harken back to Rabelaisian ribaldry. However, the mix of classical and Christian is most reminiscent of Milton! Quoting form the intro to Paradise Lost (Penguin page xxxvii), in book IV Adam and Eve embrace:

Half her swelling breast
Naked met his under the flowing gold
Of her loose tresses hid; he in delight
Both of her beauty and submissive charms
Smiled with superior love, as Jupiter,
On Juno smiles, when he impregns the clouds
That shed May flowers

“Impregn the clouds” is a classical allusion to Ixion, who sired the centaurs on a cloud that Jupiter formed in Juno’s shape. Milton has substituted “may flowers” for “centaurs”. This sort of quite explicit sexuality is certainly classical, but of course Milton was a revivalist Puritan. A weird mix, you may say. Then again, Puritans are concerned with innocence and corruption in equal measure. Here’s the first three verses of “Christmas hymn”:

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Having been a child of the sixties and come to my majority in 1972 … having an acquaintance, therefore, with the famous personal, spiritual and sexual freedom of that time and with the aesthetic and the argot, and having witnessed and rejected the anger and dissent which disfigured the politics …. having been exposed quite routinely to all that feral revolutionary thought and deed, still I find in its lineaments no real clue to or explanation for what today, I suppose, we can properly call the Rotherham Syndrome. 

This is something of a blow actually, since my preferred, all-weather explanation for the ills of the present is precisely the malign formative effects of the past.  If the seeds of the psychological present are in the ideological past, then it should certainly be possible to find them in the fertile soil of the sixties counter-culture.  But my thesis in this short second part of the essay will be that there is, in terms of effect, a limit to political causality and a limit, even, to the philosophy which forms politics.  We commit a category error when we look there for the cause of an ethnic or racial crisis.  We must look into inter-ethnic and inter-racial rivalry for that, even if there are political and philosophical dimensions and implications to the rivalry.  It is a question of defining and ordering them, that’s all.

The alternative, I repeat, is to seek to explain our racial crises by phenomena, political or psychological, which either do not exist or do not possess sufficient agency.

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